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Contra Info is an international multi-language counter-information and translation node, an infrastructure maintained by anarchists, anti-authoritarians and libertarians who are active in different parts of the globe. More »
Received November 24th 2015:
With midnight always in one’s heart,
And twilight in one’s cell,
We turn the crank, or tear the rope,
Each in his separate Hell,
And the silence is more awful far
Than the sound of a brazen bell.
After having been arrested and taken to prison in a small border town somewhere in South-Eastern Europe, and having had the “pleasure” of spending three weeks in its state-hotels, I now find myself in the claws of the German state. At the moment of writing I still do not know when I will be free again; no “official” accusation has been sent, no court date has been set. In theory, “U-haft” can take up to six months- depending on the wishes and whims of prosecutors and judges however this period can be extended. So far i have not been wrecking my head over it too much. The insecurity of not knowing what will happen next, or when, is one of the more difficult things in this situation, but i refuse to torture myself with questions that for now remain unanswerable. Whatever is to come, I will face it with my head held high.
The circumstances under which i am held here I suppose could be pronounced “harsh” (no phone calls, all communication with the outside world subjected to voyeuristic interference- the prosecutor reading all letters to and fro, visits always in the presence of a screw and overzealous criminal police) but then again, i would not expect any different from those i consider my enemies. For that they are, and among them the friendlier faces of oppression: the priests, the therapists, the social workers, … (someone once rightly remarked how only two kinds of people enter prison: those who can leave again voluntarily, and those who cannot.) And when the incessant imposed control, discipline, and “re-socialisation” fail to succeed, self-flagellation is never far. No need for pacification or control when all possible critique is transformed into a mea culpa, when the prevailing idea among those locked up is that one is in prison because one did something “wrong”, is “guilty” of something and now has to pay the price for it.
I do not want to enter a discourse that speaks in terms of innocence and guilt, for the juxtaposition at stake is not between these two “categories” formulated in the language of domination, the language of law; a language absolutely antagonistic to my own. It is, simplistic put, between those who desire freedom and those who steal it from them. And this has little to do with the double row of bars blocking my window, with the triple layer of walls and gates surrounding this place. As one of the philosophical cadavers of the university has written in a not too distant history, “prison continues, on those who are entrusted to it, a work begun elsewhere, which the whole of society pursues on each individual through innumerable mechanisms of discipline”. This work however simultaneously continues inside and outside of prison; prison is not “external” to society, it is simply another one of the many expressions of domination.
And in this pan-optical world every act of rebellion, whether it is robbing a bank or stealing a loaf of bread, is a negation of the omnipresent control imposed upon us, a deafening or barely audible No in the face of domination. Expropriation is merely one of the means in the vast array of those available to take back what is stolen from us on a daily basis – our self-determination, the freedom and possibility to construct our lives according to our own wishes and desires. With every act of rebellion we reappropiate our lives and dignity, with every act of rebellion we simultaneously negate the existing relations of power and oppression and affirm the ability to decide over our own existence. And although my existence is temporarily on hold – for this is not life – my heart beats far beyond these walls.
Love and solidarity to those in struggle everywhere,
Saturday, November 28th 2015, at 5.30pm
Discussion topics: polymorphy, coordination, autonomy of anarchy, the legacy of December ’08
Communication with an imprisoned comrade via phone call
Anarchist Hangout Utopia A.D.
They will never succeed in making us part of their routine; their civilisation is a cage for us; their jobs, their laws, their norms of social coexistence only make us feel disgust; we do not care about their success, we are not interested in having cars or fully “accommodated” houses where we can have our “lovely” family and so lead a “happy” life. That simply causes us nausea… We do not feel part of the social mass, nor are we interested in struggling for any improvement for the sake of them. The mass are living enchained to their telephones with a thousand and one functions, their giant televisions, objects they do not need but go into monumental amounts of debt to obtain them, enchained to their drugs, enchained to their jobs and their studies in order to “be someone in life”… They only feel free on weekends getting drunk unrestrainedly. We totally reject and hate that style of “life” that’s just a life of the walking dead. We do not represent anyone, nor does anyone represent us, we are only chaotic individualities, we are a wild howl, we are a roar that shakes the dawn.
On Monday night, November 23rd 2015, we sabotaged 3 ATMs of Banamex with paint, along with a security camera of the same bank. Additionally, 1 ATM of BanRegio bank was sabotaged with paint. Vandalising their routine life, showing our contempt for their real god, the god of money. Preparing the ground for Black December where our rucksacks with surprises may be anywhere, where our fire may be ignite at any moment, where any telephone may receive some threat, sometimes false, sometimes not.
“Tick tock tick tock” Black December is approaching.
Until their civilisation is brought to an end
For our fallen and incarcerated ones
For Black December
– Anti-social individualities for the fall of civilisation –
Marco is now at Saxerriet open prison. His new address is:
Freedom for Marco!
A diy production by Sine dominis – Anarchist collective from Evangelismos squat (Heraklion, Crete), based on texts of Musaferat – Collective against detention centres (Mytilini, Lesvos island); translation and subtitling by Apatris media collective. Heraklion, Crete, September 2015.
A Black December initiative of comrades from Rethymno, on the island of Crete, responded to the Black December proposal by anarchist prisoner Nikos Romanos and CCF imprisoned anarchist Panagiotis Argirou. Furthermore, wanting to revive the memories and practices of December ’08, they have invited individualities and collectives from the island to communicate with each other and coordinate their actions throughout Crete.
The comrades state the following, among others:
“(…) The call for the creation of an ‘informal coordination platform’, which will be able to overcome the theoretical preconceptions within the insurrectionary anarchy, proposes something new in comparison to what has been proposed lately. Its informalist basis can be a fertile ground so that whoever comrade or collective choose to respond to the call can express themselves and act freely. (…)
As individualities we have noticed that, lately, the anarchist tendency tends to join forces on the occasion of ‘significant events’ and, unfortunately, only ends up keeping track of them. The tangible result of this is that we find ourselves unprepared, and our actions do not have the desired results.
We seek to become, all of us, the detonator of events, to create the appropriate conditions, and instead of positioning ourselves defensively against the establishment created by the State and the Capital, we choose to go on the offensive.
In Rethymno, any disruption of social regularity is a rare occurrence. Through our actions, we seek to disrupt the divine law of the Rethymnian normalcy.
This first attempt at coordination and action is framed in the context of ‘Black December’. The December 2008 legacy was important for anarchy. Hundreds of squats and occupation, direct action groups, spontaneous and organised attacks, unmediated diffusion of anarchist discourse, through interventions at the mass media of domestication, is all that we retrace and wish to reintegrate into everyday practices of anarchy. (…)
For all the above reasons, purposes, actions and aspirations, we choose to stand alongside all comrades, both inside and outside the walls, who will take action in the framework of ‘Black December’.
The fires of December ’08 may have died down, but they still burn within us.”
Black December of individualities with the cry of solidarity
Comrade Sebastian Angry Oversluij
December of new anarchy’s permanent danger
The kidnapped, fugitive and fallen comrades will feel
Anarchist prisoners out to the streets!
Some Solidarian Individuality.
A few people in Paris are working on making sure there will be a medic space during the COP21, and on facilitating communication amongst medic teams and with the groups who will be present at the different actions.
The general idea is to be able to coordinate as well as possible between different teams present according to affinity, experience, language… some friends are also lending us a place to be used as a medic space during COP21.
However, we do not know how many people we can rely on!
We would wish to have an idea of how many “medics” can be present during the two weeks, or parts of these two weeks. We’re ideally looking for people who already have some kind of experience of being a “street medic” or with first aid skills (we trust you to judge your experience level and limits).
For those of you who wish to join us you can contact us at the email below so we can start organizing.
Cheers, see you soon 😉
You can write to us at: mediccop21[at]riseup[dot]net
Riots broke out in the streets of central Athens on November 12th 2015, day of general strike. Before the morning demonstration, hooded protesters chased a team of uniformed cops who were patrolling on foot near the Archeological Museum, in Patission Street, and beat up at least one of the pigs. Just after Omonoia Square, a Bazaar supermarket chain store, which was open despite the general strike, was trashed until its managers lowered the roller shutters. A little further on, near the Old Parliament building, a minivan belonging to OTE telecommunications company was burned. Rioters smashed street furniture (bus stops, traffic lights, etc.) and spray-painted anarchist slogans on the walls along Stadiou Street. At Syntagma Square, anti-riot squads who were guarding the luxury hotel Grande Bretagne on Vasileos Georgiou Street were attacked with firebombs. At the lower side of Syntagma, the ministry of Economy was also attacked with Molotov cocktails. At the upper side, in front of the Parliament, a giant Greek flag was removed; the patriots that tried to retrieve it were beaten (several times), and later their shitty rag was burned. A quick Molotov cocktail attack was also carried out against anti-riot squads next to the Monument of the Unknown Soldier. As the demonstration was nearing its end, the Bank of Greece building on Panepistimiou Street was attacked with fire, and clashes with cops took place near the Propylaea. These are only a few moments that we witnessed ourselves, together with other comrades. No arrests or injured protesters were reported.
Among other incendiary slogans, “Organising informally and insurrectionally, Black December in the whole wide Earth” was chanted (which is devoid of rhyme in its English translation, but shows we are warming up over here).
Some individualities that joined clashes in downtown Athens that day released a text, stating among others: “On November 12th, we also participated in the general strike with the clear objective of clashing; a clash that is not framed in the context of regaining our labour rights, or any sort of humanisation of the system. We clashed with the aim of highlighting the insurrectionary practice, with a view to sharpening and making it long-lasting, in the face of every authoritarian institution or relation. (…) We also call for a Black December, for the coordination and organisation of insurrectionary, polymorphous anarchy. Discourse without praxis is not more orphaned than praxis without discourse. (Signed:) A street group.”
This year’s November 17th marked the 30th anniversary of the murder of 15-year-old Michalis Kaltezas, shot dead by the cop Athanassios Melistas on the sidewalk of Stournari Street. On November 17th 1985, Michalis Kaltezas was killed by a police bullet in the back of his head as he was running towards Exarchia Square along with other anarchists and rioters who had firebombed a police bus of the MAT anti-riot squads.
On November 17th 2015, after the annual commemoration of the 1973 Athens Polytechnic uprising against the regime of the colonels, and once the peaceful demonstration in Athens was finished, several hundred hooded rioters took to the streets of Exarchia and clashed with police forces, from about 8pm until the small hours of November 18th. Rioters used all available materials – stones, sticks, Molotov cocktails, flares, etc. – to attack anti-riot squads and teams of plainclothes cops. Also, a car was set on fire in Stournari Street. That night, amid flaming barricades and clouds of tear gas, rioters stormed a Bazaar supermarket at Soultani Street en masse, completely looting and vandalising the store.
At least six people were arrested downtown, before the commemoration demo and during late-night clashes.
Some of the slogans that were shouted during the street clashes in Exarchia:
“That’s right, that’s right, that’s right, bursts of Kalashnikov to make it stick in your mind”
“One does not kneel before Democracy – Conspiracy of Cells of Fire”
“Scumbags Snitches Journalists”
“Cops Pigs Murderers”
“One – three, Christos Tsoutsouvis” (In memory of acratist urban guerrilla Christos Tsoutsouvis, who executed three cops on May 15th 1985 in Athens, during a shootout in the neighbourhood of Gyzi, before he fell by police bullets.)
footage by “ALFA TV” comrades
On Sunday morning, November 1st 2015, Agros squat in Tritsis Park came once again under fascist arson attack. The damage was small and is being restored. The fact that their attacks include setting fire inside the park – a rare place, life-giving lung for residents of the surrounding areas, rare habitat of plants and animals – only confirms their already established cannibalism.
The self-managed occupied zone in Tritsis Park exists for over six years now. As a land project, with our discourse and actions, we resist the destructive dominant development planning that increasingly ravages free, common spaces. We have assumed the land, having occupied a field at the western side of Tritsis Park. This is one of our ways of blocking the flow of commodity relations and consumption, considering that the park, for years now, is found in a cyclone of smaller and larger commercialisation plans. We cultivate the land on our own terms, without using specialists or industrial techniques, without seeking profit, without any sort of payment being made. We participate in the squat and act in a self-organised, anti-hierarchical and anti-commercial manner, away from any kind of mediators, against any kind of dominant distinction, having solidarity as our compass. And we continue to do so unremittingly, because the very essence of the project lies in our relationships, values and projectualities.
This land cannot be burned.
During the night of November 17th 2015, we attacked SYRIZA’s party offices in Mytilini with stones and paint, and simultaneously we vandalised the bank branches of Eurobank, Alpha Bank, Piraeus Bank and the National Bank of Greece.
The next day, we carried out a second attack against the party’s offices in response to the gagging of the incidents from the previous night.
Our reasons for attacking were evident. SYRIZA, being the ruling party with corresponding practices in immigration, economic and repressive policy issues, as well as banks, being a central cog in capitalism, will ALWAYS be our targets.
UNTIL THE END OF STATES, UNTIL THERE ARE NO MORE BORDERS!
LONG LIVE ANARCHY!
Against Apolitical Squatting
Coming to Terms
In Camden, an eight-month squat is evicted by pigs and three are arrested under Section 144, the 2012 ban on residential squatting. A man in a SUPPORT YOUR LOCAL SQUAT t-shirt waits for NELSN to forward a text. Two arrive from a council-estate squat further north. Builders begin to secure the building. Against Section 144, against increasing precarity and repression, broken self-identity and fractured organisation, London squatting seems to have begun a coming-to-terms.
Attempts to surround the fragility of the squat scene with nostalgia have come thick and fast: Remember the Squatters’ Union; remember unrestricted residential squatting; remember squatters’ rights. As ever this nostalgia is a thinly disguised dose of forgetfulness: Squatting has always meant struggle; and no mourning for a golden age can deny the permanence of our struggles and the permanent need to politicise them.
In the blur of this permanence, however, squatting has been increasingly forced into the temporary. Court papers are served quicker and quicker, evictions become fortnightly rituals, and the looming ban on commercial squatting places squatters before an ever shortening horizon. The loss caused by the 2012 ban is a collective memory permanently recalled by the imminence of the next.
For those who do not find comfort in a false unity of the past – and whose future seems to have heard its end already – we must come to terms with our present.
The Sacrificial Squatter
Moving when evicted, served when moved, evicted when served. Contemporary squatting is a series of defensive and reactive acts. Ritualistic and cyclical, squatting is determined by forces always separate from squatters themselves.
The promise of “dropping-out” has dropped to the floor of every squat rave. Standing up, it has become the reality of crossed imperatives. The balance between resistance, self-determination and self-preservation is impossible to strike; and, unable to live up to any, collective stress seems organic as organisation.
In larger activist circles too, squatters have offered up liberated spaces only to become the silent facilitator among other rebels and radicals. Seen mainly as preparation for actions and events, squatting features more in the context than the content. In a political and economic situation where content dominates context – where legalistic ideology sees no variance in the same – preparation does not validate whoever prepares.
Abolishing the artificial roles of “facilitator” and “facilitated” ultimately means that everyone must help to facilitate everyone else. Finding themselves repeatedly in the former role, squatters have not demanded the mutual solidarity they need. Even the most politically active squatters now seem to fall into the dominant consensus from anti-capitalists and are absent at the daily eviction resistances.
From this lack of validation and solidarity has grown silence. Most of the political activity squatters do falls under any banner but squatting – and this is one that stretches far: Not only housing, but all struggles have basis in the liberation of space. If there are squats in the struggle, then it is a squatting struggle too.
This is squat-for-squat-sake politics: where flying the squatting banner comes simultaneous to flying others. To emphasise squatting as the liberation of space and temporary expropriation of property demands that it is seen as legitimate direct action in itself.
Against the unachievable duties of “Resist all Evictions”, new squatting politics must find a place for self-preservation in resistance. The duty to resist in all cases contradicts maximum expropriation in some and the self-preservation of squatters in many. It surrenders self-determination to agitprop painted as unreachable duty. It decreases the times when we can actually resist in keeping them out, not just longing them out.
Our Squats are not Tokens, Our Barricades are not Gestures
A planned eviction resistance at a council estate occupation begins with a collective meeting on the potential roles of newly arrived recruits. The punch-line is that Russia Today live-streamed the whole event – which turned out to be a non-event altogether.
Often as theatre and often seeming farce, the Left is playing eviction resistance to an audience of corporate media and well-meaning professional activists. The show is titled something like Awareness-Raising or Mass Appeal.
Eviction resistance is rarely something for the cameras. The forces of populism rush to condemn or ignore the less watchable aspects of resistance – the messy violence and dull labour required to defend our squats and occupations. Squatters are left with the spectacle of resistance and a trolley of possessions in the street.
The need to defend squats and the political creativity they have is urgent. The political creativity drained from squatting by leftist tokenism and the strategy of passive resistance goes hand-in-hand with a situation drained of politics itself.
Against Apolitical Squatting
In Amsterdam, squatting and gentrification has often had an uncomfortably close relationship. In areas of London too, such as Shoreditch or Camden, in occupying empty, sometimes derelict buildings in poor areas, squatters bring refurbishment, street art, and a look of “alternative authenticity” so appealing to trendy middle-class house-buyers. And so: the process goes from dereliction, to squats and, in turn, to regeneration and invasive economic power. That the squatters themselves were evicted sooner or later to make way for yuppiedom is important to note.
Equally important is the use of squatting as resistance to gentrification. The squatted council estates at the Aylesbury in Elephant and Castle and Guinness in Brixton – additional to the presence of squatters in street-based resistance – continue the legacy of Gospel Oak and 144 Piccadilly before them. Squatters at 10 Otterhaken in Hamburg put up a fierce resistance which continued the escalation of their neighbourhood. Young squatters in the Basque Country continue to make the liberation of space the basis for insurrectionary action.
That these two forms of squatting – to create alternative forms-of-life and larger class-based resistance – have had such different effects should not suggest a natural contradiction between them. The political use of squatting culture to add to larger cultures of resistance should not be denied. Oppositional self-identity, whether on the streets or in squats, continues to make squatting a threat to cultural power.
The cooption of this self-identity in the name of middle-class warfare falls at the feet of squatters also. In splitting squatting culture from squatting politics, they have been left with a culture unable to defend itself.
A squatted space not used for politics soon loses the politics of squatted spaces. Creating spaces intolerant to social hierarchy and state surveillance, for organising and consciousness-raising, is integral to the creation of effective resistance in squats and on the streets.
Further along to apathy, squatters build lists of recommendations from ex-landlords in hope of a longer stay. A reversion to comfortable hierarchy in the present always means uncomfortable coercion in the future. The creation of the “landlord-friendly squatter” strips squatting of its oppositional nature and, with it, its political potential.
In the social realm too, radical forms-of-life created by communal living and unusual shared experience are replaced with family, precedence and guilt. While benefiting from the organic mutual aid within familial relations, being restricted by them restricts the potential for subversive forms-of-life.
All squatting starts from a level of anonymity. The flow of bodies in and between squats, hostels, social centres, streets, council-estates and university occupations causes a contradictory coupling of familiarity and anonymity. Making new, more effective squatting collectives and networks means recognising this interplay between the familial and anti-familial. Groupings must be strategic and personal – recognising one in the other – and must work for both political action and self-preservation.
The withdrawal from risky politics into comfortable normalcy in the street and squat is a core symptom of increasing repression. The 2012 ban on residential squatting, a Left dead-set on passive resistance and a depoliticised squatting movement has left squatters with increasingly fewer lines of defence and political creation.
Organic as this repression seems, resistance is sprouting everywhere. Squatting continues to prove itself as direct action against power. People rip down the fences at the Aylesbury; squatters refuse to stop squatting residential. On the continent, in Naples, Amsterdam, Calais and elsewhere, mass occupations continue in the context of illegality.
In Naples, autonomists occupy empty buildings in solidarity with homeless migrants. ‘Homes for All’ is not a request but a strategy. In Amsterdam, squats were cracked in solidarity with occupations at the University, providing bases for mobilisation and support. The mass squats by migrants and small numbers of anarchist comrades still exist in the cracks of state power and violence in Calais. Occupations stand as clear markers of self-determination and the will to create communities and cultures of resistance wherever people stay.
The forms of squatting able to resist repression will fit the changing needs of larger struggles while emphasising squatting as struggle. In escalated situations, such as Naples or Calais, squatting is generalised by its use in creating temporary autonomous zones and communities of resistance. In Amsterdam, squats broaden the free education struggle beyond the University while providing the mechanisms for its escalation.
In situations where squatting is increasingly deescalated and isolated, the task is to generalise and escalate the squatting resistance. The old networks and forms-of-life are dragging into a state of alienation and disassociation: between squatters and larger struggles, between the varying and sometimes contradictory uses of squatting, between squatting collectives who know nothing of one another, between comrades. In the vacuum of this disassociation, new informal organisation and radical action must continue to grow.
FUCK REGENERATION! FUCK SECTION 144!
AGAINST APOLITICAL SQUATTING!
FOR AUTONOMOUS CLASS-STRUGGLE SQUATTING!
Squatters and Homeless Autonomy is a London squatting collective working to combat gentrification and establish autonomous anti-capitalist spaces. Squatting the RBS building on Charing-Cross Road over Christmas 2014, they were also involved in the Institute of Dissidents – the occupied Institute of Directors building on Pall Mall – and have run temporary anarchist spaces at Neal Street and St James’s Square. In September the collective occupied the Mamelon Tower pub to oppose the eviction of tenants there and plans to turn it into upmarket flats.
Solidarity with comrades in Greece, Spain, Italy, Chile, Turkey and Brazil. For the construction of anarchist and popular urban guerrillas!
M.I.A. Movimento Insurgente Anarquista
Video (uploaded November 9th 2015)
Today at 04:20 we placed boards of solidarity with refugees at the Kielce bazaar, where many Armenians, Bulgarians and people from the eastern border have been working for years. A few days ago (October 31st), their stands were set on fire – of course, on football match day. These first pictures are from four o’clock in the morning; on another photo which was taken just after six, when traders were beginning to set up their stalls, it can be seen that a board with the slogan of solidarity with refugees was deliberately broken.
—We claim responsibility for incendiary attacks against four banks in the city of São Paulo. The attacks occurred at the Santander bank branches in Largo da Batata, another in the Liberdade area, and the other two in the central region and in a peripheral region.—
The “Carlo Giuliani” cell of the Anarchist Insurgent Movement (M.I.A.) assumes responsibility for the four incendiary attacks that consumed bank branches in the early hours of November 16th 2015 in the central region of the city of São Paulo.
On November 15th the proclamation of the republic is “commemorated”, within large and ironic quotation marks. We have this fetish of commemorating historical dates and personages that remind our massacres and subservience. We do not commemorate the insurgencies of slaves or the Canudos Insurrection, nor do we celebrate the epic past of Marighella, Zumbi, João Cândido, Jesuíno Brilhante, Olga [Benário], or Espirtirina Martins. Going against logic, we buy the canned historical version, told by the winners who still continue to dominate us.
The fetid and corrupt monarchy that parasitised Brazil, deposed after the proclamation of the republic, does not differ in absolutely anything from the elite which nowadays parasitises the so admired democratic republic. Bankers, lobbyists, politicians, corporatists, CEOs, speculators and landlords, all worms that accumulate innumerable richness at the expense of others’ sweat.
Republic, presidentialism, monarchy, or even social democracy. There is no alternative to capitalism that is more “humanised” because the problem is capitalism itself. We will be oppressed and exploited as long as there are capitalism, social classes and exploitation of human by human.
Do not believe in magical solutions proposed by demagogues and opportunists. There is no alternative to the capitalist crisis that looms large on the horizon. Impeachment, coup, elections or any other palliative do not solve the structural problems that the Brazilian State presents. Only the autonomous, free and revolutionary organisation of male workers, female workers and youth can guarantee the construction of a new society towards complete freedom.
We reiterate: there is no way to remain a pacifist in the face of one of the most violent societies ever constructed over the course of history. We not delude ourselves into believing that this gigantic pyramid of hierarchised oppressions can be overthrown or even delegitimised through pacifist actions.
We will continue to violently attack the superstructure of capitalist domination. We will make gunpowder and fire our only voice in the face of injustices, for the construction and propagation of anarchist urban guerrillas that today begin to emerge in São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro and Rio Grande do Sul, in parallel with the struggle of the masses that also emerges with new revolutionary subjects.
The struggle of students in São Paulo against the shutdown of public schools by Geraldo Alckmin’s dictatorial and militaristic regime is extremely heroic and remarkable. Our most sincere solidarity, strength and compassion to all 19 schools occupied, so far, by high-school boys and girls. Continue to resist bravely. Do not be intimidated by the attacks of the police, the media or the judiciary. The people are certainly with you.
Our solidarity also goes out to the feminist struggle of women who marched in São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro against the scumbag Eduardo Cunha and the entire reactionary mob that nowadays infest the political and economic scene with their rotten conservative and theocratic agendas. Continue to fight the good fight; the people are with you as well!
Our condolences and sincerest solidarity to the victims, their relatives and all those affected by the disaster [at the Germano mine near the town] of Mariana [in Minas Gerais state], perpetrated by the capitalist trio Vale, Samarco and BHP Billiton. An advance warning: your actions that end up resulting in irreparable damage to the environment and the lives of thousands of people, for the sake of your filthy lucre, will not be left unanswered.
Furthermore, we would also like to salute the General Strike that took place in Greece on the 12th day of this month, against austerity, poverty and repression imposed by Europe’s banking elite. Our most sincere solidarity with the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, especially the comrades who are currently imprisoned in Greece: Gerasimos Tsakalos, Olga Ekonomidou, Haris Hadjimihelakis, Christos Tsakalos, Giorgos Nikolopoulos, Michalis Nikolopoulos, Damiano Bolano, Panagiotis Argirou, Giorgos Polidoros [and Theofilos Mavropoulos].
We will continue to progressively increase our attacks in accordance with the increase in our operational capacity. Wait for more acts of sabotage and direct actions in the coming months.
We call in advance all anarchists and communists to prepare materials and equip themselves logistically for the last month of this year. Black December is being organised by revolutionaries from all corners of the world, seeking multiple, continuous and constant attacks, and if everything goes according to our plan it will be marked by chaos and revolutionary energy that will take good care of São Paulo and other Brazilian states.
Let practice and direct action become the evolution of libertarian theory. In an autonomous and decentralised manner, through small groups of intimacy, anyone disposed and organised can carry out their own actions.
Not a step back.
War on the State and the Capital!
Neither their War, nor their Peace!
“We must annihilate the enemies of the Republic… and strip those who besmirch the French spirit of their nationality.”
If one has to recognize a certain continuity of the French Republic, its for sure the continuity of mass murder. From the State Terror of 1793-1794 which gave birth to the word terrorism to the slaughter of the insurgents of 1848 and those of the Commune of 1871; from the colonisation or the deportation of Jews made possible by prior screening and filing to the massacres of Algerian demonstrators in 1961 in the heart of Paris, all French Republics have massacred without counting so that the powerful might continue to dominate and exploit everyone. The French Republic is a mountain of corpses of which the filth that composes the summit has only be able to stay in place by crushing its true enemies, the rebels and revolutionaries who fought for a world of justice and freedom. The “French spirit”, if this enormous stupidity would ever exist, would be a closet filled up until the point of bursting with voices crying for vengeance against the bourgeois, the politicians, the cops, the soldiers and the priests who have trampled them to establish their power.
Ah, but that’s all rubbish from the past, isn’t it? Do the decades of civil participation, commodity integration and generalised dispossessing really made forget those who still preserved a slightest touch of sensibility that firing randomly into the crowd is not an exclusivity of remote terrorists? That since several years the French State is making its great return on the international scene of state terrorism by multiplying its military attacks in the four corners of the globe (Libya, Mali, Afghanistan, Ivory Coast, Somalia, Central Africa, Iraq, Syria)? The pretext changes each time, but the reasons stay the same: to maintain control of strategic resources, to win new markets and influence zones, to preserve its interests against competitors, to avoid that insurrections are transformed into experiments of freedom. And if it was still needed, warnings have been given also to avert the indolent that this war logic will not know any territorial limit: the death of a demonstrator last year in Sivens or the bodies riddled with shrapnel in Notre-Dame-des-Landes and in Montabot recall that the offensive grenades in khaki do not hesitate, also not here, to be launched against crowds as to sow terror.
Because what else is terrorism than randomly hitting the crowd with the aim of preserving or conquering power? A bit like the rich do by killing and mutilating daily millions of people on the job in name of the money generated by their exploitation. A bit like the industrialists and their white collar lackeys do by poisoning durably all life on earth. A bit like all the States do who lock up behind four walls and slowly torture those excluded from their commodity paradises and those who rebelled against their laws. A bit like the grrreat democracies who turned the Mediterranean Sea into a cemetery of thousands of undesirables who did wrong by not having the right piece of paper in their pockets. But the peace of the State and of capitalism comes at this price. The peace of the powerful is war against the dominated, on the inside as well on the outside of their borders.
The 13th of November 2015 in Paris, the rule of the game has been respected. They may call themselves Islamic or Republican, Caliphate or Democracy, a State is a State: an authoritarian power whose mass violence applies to all those who do not bow for their sovereign order. One of the principles of all States is to only recognize subjects. Subjects who have to obey the laws dictated from above, it is to say, the exact contrary of free individuals who can self-organize without being commanded and without commanders. From the bombardments of Dresden and Hiroshima to the villages of Vietnam wiped out with napalm or the cities of Syria wrecked by barrels of TNT, States never hesitated in their dirty wars to sacrifice a part of their own population, or of their competitors. By randomly killing Parisian passersby to punish their State, the small soldiers of Daech did nothing else but reproducing the implacable logic of their adversaries. A terrible logic, as terrible as any state power can be.
The state of emergency is declared in France since yesterday, a measure of internal war of a government who places the country in conformity with its politics of international terrorism, is just a step further in the basic practices of any government, aiming to forcibly normalize life, to its institution codification, to its technological standardization. Because what is the State seeing when looking to the future? Economical cracks, mass unemployment, exhaustion of resources, international military conflicts, civil wars, ecological disasters, exodus of populations… In short, he see an ever more unstable world where the poor are ever more numerous and concentrated, a world sweating despair which is becoming a gigantic powder keg, engulfed by tensions of all kinds (social, identitarian, religious). A world in which the lighting of the smallest spark, whatever it might be, should not be tolerated by an ever more totalitarian democracy. So, just as “civil” is another word for “cop”, the “war on terrorism” means above all the war against all those who are breaking away from the ranks of power. To all the deserters of social pacification, to all the deserters of the wars between the powerful and the authoritarians, lets sabotage the National Unity…
A bad subject,
On November 16th 2015, it became known that a total of 27 people are being indicted for the case of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire planned escape from Koridallos prisons. Persons belonging to the immediate family nucleus of captive anarchists are included among the accused; that is, Athena Tsakalou (mother of the CCF members Christos and Gerasimos Tsakalos) and Evi Statiri (wife of Gerasimos Tsakalos) will also stand trial.
Meanwhile, Evi Statiri had filed a motion for the lifting of one of the restrictive conditions imposed on her after her release from prison. She had requested the lifting of the prohibition on communicating and meeting with her imprisoned partner Gerasimos Tsakalos, but her motion was rejected earlier this month (November 3rd).
On the 11th of November, while fascist scum held marches throughout Poland, we decided, as anarchists, to give free rein to our hatred of the State and capitalism.
We express our support to the struggle against the oppressive apparatus on all fronts, from trade unions to direct actions.
We hope this symbolic act of setting fire to a bank sparks a wave of radicalism across the country.
Solidarity with all prisoners of the system! This action is dedicated to Czech anarchists detained as part of operation “Fénix (Phoenix)”.
Let deeds speak, not words!
Solidarity in the fight.
“Black Ranks” Group
In the end of April 2016 it will be a year since Fennovoima started to prepare areas of Hanhikivi cape for the new nuclear power plant construction in Northern Finland. At the same time the protest camp against Fennovoima celebrates its first anniversary. The camp was able to stay inside the construction area over five months and was able to slow down the construction works. During the summer, dozens of blockades took place and newspapers wrote about various sabotages. In September, after the eviction that lasted eight days, the camp moved outside the construction site to continue its activities with help of local supporters. Blockades and other activity against nuclear power did not stop at any point.
In the end of April we are going to return to the construction site. The aim is to paralyze the whole construction site, for a long time. With a big enough group we can reoccupy the area and stay there. We don’t only want to occupy the area back but also fill the surrounding areas with activities against Fennovoima, nuclear power, destruction of nature and capitalism, and by respecting the plurality of tactics.
Come and join us to make this possible. Come to share your knowhow in a workshop or to learn from the more experienced, and start your summer with numerous comrades in the middle of nature just awaking for the spring.
The event starts on Friday 22 April with a party continuing over the weekend. The following week will be filled with action and workshops, sharing knowledge and knowhow, getting to know new comrades along with action. On Tuesday 26 April it will be thirty years from Chernobyl accident – symbolically perfect moment to stop a new nuclear project. On Chernobyl Day various organizations will carry out their protests and we will also do our part. The event will climax next weekend to the First of May when the aim is to organize an all-time riotous First of May party of Northern Finland. In the nearby cities marches for First of May are also organize and we can join them too.
You can read about our activities and follow the planning of the event at fennovoima.no.com
If and when you decide to join us, send us an email. Please let us know if you are also interested in organizing a workshop or other activities.
Printable flyer: PDF
On Monday morning (November 9th 2015), at 05:30, the Epavli Kouvelou squat was struck by bomb attack. The result of that murderous attack was that nearby houses and shops suffered heavy material damage, while some damage was caused to the main entrance of the squat itself.
What is shocking, however, is not the material damage caused by the attack but the fact that the perpetrators left the high power explosive device in the middle of the street, acting with complete disregard for the lives of neighbours or passersby.
This attack was not a bolt from the blue; besides, it was not the first one aimed against the squat (recall the 2011 arson, and the golden dawn’s attack on 01/08/2014). It came as a response and intimidation attempt in the face of the dynamic interventions undertaken by people housed in the squat. The perpetrators, who belong to the extreme right-wing milieu, have targeted and struck the squat exactly because they fear these interventions. They fear solidarity with refugees and migrants, they fear the resistance to governmental and memoranda policies, the struggles against employers’ terrorism and against fascism. They fear all of us, who do not serve the interests of our bosses, but instead fight with dignity, putting self-organization and solidarity in the forefront of the struggle.
We do not discriminate against people on the basis of national origin, race and sex, we do not go along with the powerful, nor become their minions; we, therefore, want to reassure the neo-Nazi killers that their attack not only does not terrorise us, but it confirms that our action is directed in the proper direction.
more photos: athens imc
On Monday evening, a gathering was called in the squatted space. A PA system was set up from 18:00, and the above text was read and also distributed in the neighbourhood. At 19:30 we began marching loud and lively in the surrounding area, then moved to the centre of Maroussi, and ended the demonstration at the squat. The slogans chanted were anti-fascist, anti-statist, and in solidarity with refugees/migrants and squats/self-managed spaces. An estimated 250-300 comrades from various neighbourhoods of Athens participated in the demonstration.
We make clear once again that such attacks do not terrorise us but make us more tenacious.
Our struggles are dynamites, not only in Maroussi but everywhere
Epavli Kouvelou squat
source: epavli kouvelou
Comrades coming from various geographies and different paths of struggle, yet having the same longing for the diffusion of anarchist offensive, support the call for a Black December published by brothers held in prisons of the Greek democracy.
We call for the revival of the black memory of our dead and all those who have fallen in the fight for freedom and anarchy.
We call for the activation of combative solidarity with comrades that experience incarceration because of their unyielding stance of confrontation with all forms of Power, as well as those who have assumed the difficult path of clandestinity.
We call for the cessation of the fragmentation of our efforts, which – from different trenches in the same war – are able to hit the enemy where it hurts the most.
From counter-information activities, to actions of propaganda by the deed, let’s make the most of this month and encounter each other, conspire, and synchronise our strengths in an informal, international and insurrectionary manner against the world of Power. Let’s seize the chance to highlight the points we have in common, but also our different perspectives, in a spirit of comradeship and mutual respect.
With the black memory of our dead accompanying our rebellious steps
Complicity and solidarity with imprisoned and fugitive comrades
War by all means possible against domination
Anarchists outside the walls for a Black December
I hate the individual who bends his body under the weight of an unknown power, of some X, of a god.
I hate, I say, all those who, surrendering to others, out of fear, out of resignation, a part of their power as a man, are not only crushed themselves but crush me, and those I love, under the weight of their frightful cooperation or their idiotic inertia.
I hate, yes, I hate them, for I sense it, I do not bow before the officer’s braid, the mayor’s sash, the capitalist’s gold, moralities or religions; for a long time I have known that all of this is just baubles that can be broken like glass.
— Joseph Albert (Libertad)
There are times in history when the randomness of some events can cause dynamic variables, able to almost entirely paralyse the social space-time.
It was Saturday night, on 06/12/2008, when the culmination of a conflict between two worlds took place in just a few moments. On one hand, the youthful, enthusiastic, spontaneous and impetuous insurrectionary violence; on the other hand, the official state institutional organ that, legitimately, claims the monopoly on violence through repression.
No, it was not about an innocent kid and a paranoid cop found in the wrong place at the wrong time, but a rebellious young comrade who attacked a patrol car, in an area where clashes with the forces of repression were common, and a cop who patrolled the same area and, out of a personal perception about the honour and reputation of the police, decided to confront the troublemakers on his own. It was a conflict between two opposing forces: on one Insurgency, on the other Power, with the main protagonists of this conflict each representing their own sides.
The murder of Alexandros Grigoropoulos by the cop Epameinondas Korkoneas, and the large-scale riots that ensued, caused a powerful, high-tension social electroshock, because the image of “social peace” was shattered and the existence of these two opposing worlds was made visible, in the most manifest way, triggering situations from which there was no easy return, at least not without a creation and manifestation of events whose momentum nobody could any longer pretend they did not notice, they did not see, they did not hear, they did not take into account.
The 2008 rebellion rocked a society that, in its majority, still enjoyed their consumerist bliss and the culture of western lifestyle, and ignored the unbearable consequences of the coming economic crisis. It caused embarrassment, numbness and perceptive paralysis, since the majority of the social body was unable to comprehend whence sprang so many thousands of rioters, who were creating disturbances of such a tension.
In the aftermath of the rebellion, a number of intellectuals, political analysts, professors, sociologists, psychologists, criminologists, and even artists, each taking advantage of their own professional prestige and renown, joined the public debate, not only in order to interpret December ’08, but also to de-signify it by slandering its occurrence and condemning violence altogether, from wherever it may come, making it clear what their real social role is.
There is much more to be said about December ’08 and its insurrectionary heritage, as manifested through the dozens of direct action groups which proliferated explosively across the country, creating a front of internal threat. A period when anarchist direct action undermined the social normalcy almost on a daily basis. But what we want above all is to remember…
To remember what December ’08 was and how anarchy, having a leading role, contributed to the manifestation of dynamic situations, which gained resonance in the international anarchist movement.
To remember the time when anarchy overcame the fear of arrest, captivity and violent repression, and therefore acquired a tremendous self-confidence, moving on to actions and gestures that, until then, seemed impossible; a self-confidence which was manifested in the whole range of anarchist polymorphous action, from simple public interventions to all kinds of occupations, and from spontaneous confrontational practices to more organised offensive actions.
We want to remember our young comrade who was guilty of his spontaneity, which he paid with his life. Under other circumstances it might have been us in his place, as the same insurrectionary enthusiasm pervades us since then, and besides, EVERYONE should remember their origins instead of exorcising them.
We want to remember the beauty of paralysing the social space-time through smaller or larger social short circuits.
We want to remember how dangerous anarchy may become, when anarchy wants to…
We want to relive the days when “death shall have no dominion, and dead men naked they shall be one with the man in the wind and the west moon, and they shall break in the sun till the sun breaks down”
* * *
This is the way we learn humility.
— The Proud Eagle Tribe of the Weather Underground
Starting with a simple observation, that there is an imperative need to draw a strategy with multifaceted anarchist action at its very core, which will collide head-on with Power and its exponents, we are confident that the contribution of yet another theoretical proposal about anarchist organisation would not be fruitful, if it were to stay within the narrow framework of ideological rigidity. If we don’t attempt to defuse our everyday contradictions through acts that will complement the entirety of liberation struggle, we are doomed to drown in the flood of introversion that pervades anarchist circles.
We believe that in order to work out a strategy – the axes of which affinity groups, polymorphous struggle and constant anarchist insurgency will intersect – our strengths, our momentum, our capabilities and our limits should be put to the test in practice. This way we will be able to set down our rationales based on actual experiences of struggle, and not theoretical acrobatics. We live the beginning of the end of the world as we knew it.
The effort of peaceful settlement of social conflicts on the part of the State is a distant past like that of economic prosperity, the models of state interventionism in economy are thrown into a waste bin – since, nowadays, the domination of multinationals and the possibility of the Capital to overcome national borders without restrictions are being institutionalised by the dominant power centres, the historical narrative of nation-states which served the capitalist development for several decades through national economies is collapsing, the technological fascistisation creates infinite possibilities for the management of human emotions, the ever increasing complexity of the social structure destabilises social automatisms and militarises social life within the metropolises, the machines for the digitisation of life de-innervate the complex critical mode of thinking of human beings and create cemeteries of consciousnesses, the images of human horror are being assimilated in social consciousness and cease to create sentiments beyond the feeling of shock.
We are in the process of a qualitative upgrade of the “civilised warfare,” where one’s happiness coexists with the torment of another; within this new environment, the kind of contemporary humans make their appearance, genetically fit to accept a sick way of life as being obvious, in a degenerate world from which all savageness of nature has disappeared due to urban regeneration and the expansive tendencies of the artificial conditions of civilisation. We live among industrial rodents that are living on a controlled diet, in a controlled environment, and are turned into social role models, after whom we must follow in order to survive.
Within this environment, anarchy acquires a strategic possibility to set fire to all forms of political representation, to become a front of open unorthodox war with domination, which will turn the diversity and pluralism of viewpoints within the anarchist community into an advantage and bring the oppressed – those who decide to break the chains of their submission – together at centres of struggle created. Oftentimes the most important observations are said in the simplest way. We want to see the world of Power get destroyed by the armed hands of rebellious men and women. So, we are overcoming the theoretical shapes, and bring the weight of discourse back to square one, to the point where the stone leaves our hand to end up on the head of a cop, the point where we decide to break the shackles of captivity, the point where subversive disposals are combatively manifested in the streets, the point where the hands of a clockwork device are aligned wanting to blow up the murderous fog of the legal order.
Reversing the predetermined dialogue flow, we do not talk in advance about the way in which we shall act but propose a coordination of anarchist action and an informal networking of anarchist projects through the vivifying strength of polymorphous action; we will thus be able to locate our mistakes and weaknesses while we measure our capabilities so as to make a critical assessment, which will form the foundations of our strategy that will favour the frontal anarchist action against all authority.
Our proposal to place the wager of setting up a multifaceted insurrectionary anarchist front is simple; an action campaign by the name ‘Black December’ which will be the detonator for the restart of anarchist insurgency, inside and outside the prisons.
A month of coordinated actions in order to know each other, take to the streets and smash the displays of department stores, occupy schools, universities and city halls, distribute texts that will spread the message of rebellion, place incendiary devices against fascists and bosses, hang banners on air-bridges and main avenues, flood the cities with posters and flyers, blow up houses of politicians, throw Molotov cocktails at the cops, tag the walls with slogans, sabotage the smooth flow of merchandise amid Christmas, loot the displays of abundance, carry out public activities, and exchange experiences and rationales around various topics of struggle.
To meet each other in narrow urban streets, and paint on the ugly buildings of banks, police stations, multinationals, military camps, television studios, courts, churches, charitable corporate groups with ashes.
To deregulate the deadly social regularity of psychotropic drugs, economic suffocation, misery, impoverishment and depression in a thousand ways, regulating our existence to the rhythms of anarchist insurrection, where life takes on meaning; into the ceaseless battle against domination and its representatives. To set fire to the fragile social cohesion and go out into the streets, being the first to strangle the monster of economy before it exterminates us through its bureaucratic mechanisms and its killers in suits who staff the command centres of the economic warfare.
Black December does not seek merely to become some days of rioting; instead, what we want is to create – through multiform and multilevel anarchist action – an informal coordination platform on the basis of which the subversive impulse will be brought together; a primary attempt for an informal coordination of anarchy, beyond the predetermined frameworks, which aspires to build on this particular experience of struggle so as to set both subversive proposals and fighting strategies in motion.
This proposal of ours is simultaneously linked with corresponding legacies of struggle beyond our geographic boundaries; some months ago, in Mexico, a group of comrades attacked the national electoral institute with an explosive device, and called for a polymorphous and dynamic anti-election campaign, for a Black June, which was embraced by a significant part of the anarchist movement. Polling stations and ministries were engulfed in flames, clashes with cops spread in streets of the cities, public gatherings were held, and texts of anarchist propaganda against the elections were handed out. A mosaic of multifaceted activity, with different political references and starting points, by which anarchy responded to the electoral circus of democracy, having as tools the principles of horizontality, informal coordination and constant insurrection; such experiences of struggle, where collective imagination and determination create liberating foci of war on the new order of things, make it clear that there’s a prospect for factual abolition of the well-known pseudo-polarity between legal and illegal, and simultaneously make anarchist projectualities timely through the fires of insurrection.
The wager of subversion remains open; the fate of this proposal lies in the hands of comrades from the whole spectrum of struggle, who will choose whether it’s worth setting it in motion.
“The first night in the cell, thoughts from his free life were traveling in the neurons of his brain at breakneck speed. He knew that captivity is the logical consequence of confrontation with an enemy holding the superior firepower on all levels.
For those who have sabotaged the rail tracks of the train of terror belonging to a social reality that in every possible way exterminates those who are putting it into question, the prison bars will be a reality; but, of course, this doesn’t mean such a reality will be accepted without a fight.
With these thoughts in his head, he closed his eyes and dreamed not what he would like to live outside the walls but the longstanding nightmare of inertia, waiting, and tampering of one’s instincts.
The next morning, facing the monotony of a captive repeated daily routine for the first time, he was already sick of being patient; he had seen it aimlessly traveling through the labyrinths of tolerance in the first signs of a covert cowardice. He locked his hatred in the suitcase of intact emotions next to his love for freedom, and handed the key over to a comrade, asking him to leave it next to the graves of murdered comrades who have fallen in combat with the enemy.
The years passed, and the only thing that prison managed to do to him was fill him with wrath, make him impatient for what is to come, make him look for ways to practice anarchist warfare; he had by then realised that the only feasible alliance is the one with the world of probabilities.
A bunch of probabilities to convince the majority of people in this society that his choice is not something between madness and a deadlock, but enough ones to make it worthwhile to wager on them for the great idea of destruction. The great idea of a head-on collision with the world of shadows and its submissives. The prison door opens, and now he knows what to do; keep the memory alive, leave no space for oblivion, never forget the comrades left behind, pick up the thread of insurgency from where it was interrupted, pour the poison of insubordination into the reproduction networks of the capitalist society.
For lasting anarchist insurgency!
No truce with Power and its puppets!”
For a Black December!
For the anarchist offensive against the world of Power!
PS. December 11th marks two years since our brother Sebastián ‘Angry’ Oversluij lost his life, during an armed bank expropriation in Chile, from gunfire of a uniformed servant of the system. We believe this Black December is a chance to honour the memory of our anarchist brother, unifying anarchist memory and abolishing borders and distances in practice.
Panagiotis Argirou, member of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire – FAI/IRF
Contra Info 2015
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