Contra Info is an international multi-language counter-information and translation node, an infrastructure maintained by anarchists, anti-authoritarians and libertarians who are active in different parts of the globe. More »
Contra Info is an international multi-language counter-information and translation node, an infrastructure maintained by anarchists, anti-authoritarians and libertarians who are active in different parts of the globe. More »
In the last few years, we have seen how the escalation of repression has intensified around the libertarian and anarchist movement through the strategies used here in Mexico City: Setting very high bond amounts, and applying the same package of charges, always aggravated, without giving much importance to the specific situation, but rather to what the State dictates. Persecution and finger-pointing in the media as a basic element of their set-up: Noting the names of groups of people or spaces (whether they exist or not), making up relationships that really don’t exist, comparing everyone and everything from a vertical point of view, trying fit us into a schematic of leadership. Of course, this demonstrates a deep ignorance and/or contempt for anarchist ideas, which have nothing to do with this kind of hierarchical logic.
On the other hand, we have the government’s efforts to qualify anarchism or “anarchic conduct” under the judicial classification of terrorism, applying severe charges and operating under maximum security parameters, only to withdraw the charges, with the argument that they lack sufficient evidence – but always leaving the open threat that “investigations continue.” Nonsensical investigations, plagued with arbitrary references to groups and individuals that exist in very different spaces.
This is all paralleled by police monitoring and surveillance of certain individuals in an attempt to intimidate them, as well as provocations against certain autonomous spaces.
Framed by this strategy, and alongside many other comrades, groups, and collectives, the name of Cruz Negra Anarquista México [Anarchist Black Cross–Mexico] has come to stand out among the notes, “investigations” and political or police declarations.
We believe it is important to make it publicly known that in the past few weeks, individuals who seem to be part of the Mexico City police “investigation” have shown up outside of some of our houses and workplaces, threatening our neighbors and family members and arguing that they are doing security and surveillance work.
Beyond calling for an end to this persecution, we are making this public report as a wake-up call: We know that repression is intrinsic to the state that we have declared as our enemy. We know that its jails and its police are the foundation of its power and its domination. And we know that our work around anti-prison thinking, support, and accompaniment of imprisoned comrades is directly contradictory to this power and domination.
But we also know that SOLIDARITY BETWEEN ANARCHISTS IS NOT JUST WORDS ON PAPER!
In this context, we ask individuals, collectives, and affinity groups, the comrades we have worked with in the last few years, to be attentive, and to continue to provide the same solidarity that we have received up to this point.
Down with prison walls!
Freedom for everyone!
Anarchist Black Cross–Mexico
This year, Bloomington held a week of activities leading up to June 11th:
June 2: A benefit raised $350 for Eric King, an anarchist held captive in Kansas awaiting trial for an alleged incendiary attack on a Congressman’s office.
June 6: An assembly was held to discuss prison projects and recent struggles of revolutionary prisoners and prison rebels.
June 8: A card and letter writing night for anarchist prisoners was held. A few letters were written and cards were signed for 20 anarchist prisoners in the United States.
June 9: The Pages to Prisoners Project held a 12-hour ‘packathon’ event where people responded to prisoners’ letters and put together packages of books.
June 10: A film showing of Lucio, a documentary about anarchist counterfeiter Lucio Urtubia.
June 11: A microphone demonstration was held at the town square with a dozen comrades handing out literature and holding banners. A sound system played Sean Swain’s 2015 June 11th statement, an interview with Michael Kimble, and interviews about June 11th and Sean’s recent struggles. Banners included “Free Marius Mason and All Prisoners” and “Free the Anarchist Fighters” with the names of long-term anarchist prisoners in the United States (Amazon, Bill Dunne, Rebecca Rubin, Jeremy Hammond, Jennifer Gann, Andrew Mickel, Blackjack, Michael Kimble, Sean Swain, Casey Brezik, and Marius Mason) and one awaiting trial (Eric King).
In addition, a message was painted at a swimming spot, reading “For Marius J. Mason and all imprisoned comrades: Wish you were here.”
These are all small gestures for our imprisoned comrades, gestures we hope can help break down the isolation imposed by prison. Raising funds, sending letters and books, and raising awareness about prisoners are all important. However, we must recognize them as parts of a polymorphous and combative struggle against prison society as a whole. The recent hunger strike of Greek anarchist and rebel prisoners, the successful hunger strike of Nikos Romanos, the refusal of Spanish anarchists to break beneath the weight of Operation Pandora and Operation Piñata, the wide array of attacks in solidarity with prisoners and against repression: these all offer glimpses of possibilities, of freedom and rebellion.
We send international greetings to Nataly, Juan, and Guillermo, anarchist prisoners in Chile who recently ended their hunger strike after 53 days; those facing repression in Operation Piñata and Operation Fenix; Chilean anarchist Tamara Sol, recently moved to a high security prison; Silvia, Billy, and Costa, facing charges yet again for an alleged plan to sabotage an IBM nanotechnology research center, for which they have already served years in prison; and Marco Camenisch, held captive since 1991. We also express our deepest rage at state murder of comrade Spyros Dravilas in Greece.
We will not forget that Bloomington was once home to Marius Mason and we will not cease to struggle for his freedom and the freedom of all prisoners.
Solidarity with all prison rebels!
Sometime during the third week of June, machines where once again sabotaged on Fennovoima’s construction site in Hanhikivi, northern Ostrobothnia.
A digger and a bulldozer were caused some expensive damage, by destroying machinery cables. The individual(s) who made the action represent no network, group or organisation.
Solidarity with people resisting nuclear construction in Pyhäjoki and comrades struggling everywhere
You are not alone
You are not forgotten
The passion for freedom is stronger than any prison!
In the State of Ohio
I, Sean Swain, being duly sworn according to law, hereby depose to state:
1. I am competent to testify to the facts related herein, to which I have direct knowledge.
2. I write this declaration for filing in a pending civil rights action, as it appears that defendant prison officials are going to great lengths, including the creation of crises, in order to prevent my personal appearance before the federal court, a personal appearance that would ultimately expose the false characterizations of me that defendant prison officials have fostered in my absence.
On My Writing
3. I am a writer. I have always been a writer. When asked in school what I wanted to be, my answer was that I wanted to be what I already was: A writer. I stuttered as a child and as a consequence of that, I became painfully shy and very quiet. I was terrified to speak, for fear of ridicule. It is not easy to be different as a child. But, I could write. I could communicate on paper without stuttering, and I found that I was as good at it as anyone else—better than most, in fact.
4. When I eventually outgrew my stutter, I was still a stutterer on the inside. I always felt somewhat alien, different, and my writing became a refuge of sorts.
5. In high school, I ended up on the school paper—by accident. Paul Rogers was the school newspaper’s advisor, and he was also the owner of the local paper. Rogers was going to law school at the time to become a First Amendment lawyer. He became my mentor.
6. Paul Rogers taught that good journalism is “something to offend everyone.” It was the duty of the writer to challenge conventional thinking, to push people out of their intellectual comfort zones. I remember a poster over the desk of the local paper’s editor, featuring the faces of Adolf Hitler, Benito Mussolini, Josef Stalin, and the Ayatollah K[h]omeini. At the top, it read, “THE EXPERTS AGREE…,” and at the bottom: “…CENSORSHIP WORKS.”
7. Paul Rogers instilled in me the principle that the writer serves a very important role in society. The writer does not keep those in power honest, but instead makes those in power act honestly. That is, everyone wielding power is intent on reducing the population to slavery and tyranny, and it is only the eternal vigilance of the writer, acting as a check on that tyranny, that keeps any population free. The writer works in defense of human liberty against tyranny.
8. This orientation informed how I viewed my place in the world. My identity as a writer is inextricably tied to this principle, and it matters not where I am located, whether inside a prison or out. I am a writer. I often attempt to explain this by telling people that I am not this way because I am a writer; I am a writer because I AM this way.
9. I have been imprisoned since 1991. I am not an inmate or an offender or a criminal or a prisoner. I am a writer, a writer who happens to be in prison. The fact of my imprisonment, for me, is a matter of geography; I am on one side of a fence rather than the other. This in no way impacts who I am or what I do.
10. Raul Rogers also insisted that I learn the First Amendment. It was his firm belief that a writer had a duty to know the legal limits of his craft. As a consequence, Paul Rogers forced me to take and pass tests related to the First Amendment that he himself took in law school. As a consequence, at the age of 16, I could describe all of the limits of free speech and the exceptions to free speech, and the standards of review for those exceptions.
11. Upon coming to prison, before writing anything for publication, I applied what I knew of the First Amendment to determine the limits of prisoner protected speech, and how prisoner speech protections differed from persons in the free world, particularly related to political speech in a public forum. Given my predisposition and inability to compromise on matters of principle, and given the fact that those in power never appreciate writers, I fully anticipated that I would earn the animosity of my captors. I expected this. As a consequence, I made a particular effort to be rule-abiding in every way possible. I did this not because I necessarily agree with the rules or with the regimen or with the larger program that the rules serve, but I did so in a concerted effort to deprive my captors of easy excuses to subject me to punishments and thereby encroach on my ability to communicate. In other words, knowing that prison officials would want to “stick it to me,” I did not want to make the process of “sticking it to me” a justifiable one.
12. In school, teachers on several occasions wanted to accelerate me through to a higher grade. By the process proposed to my parents, I would have graduated at age 13. My mom refused to accelerate me, as school also involved social learning which is best done when children are with others of their same age. But, at any rate, by the testing conducted at that time, and by the testing conducted by the U.S. military later, I was told that my I.Q. is approximately 137. Also, every Minnesota Multi-Phasic Personality Inventory Test I have ever taken demonstrates that I am “normal” in all scales, indicating I do not suffer from any kind of psychological dysfunction. I apply my intellect and reason to being meticulous about abiding by all prison rules and malting sure my writing and other communication conforms to the strict standards of First Amendment protection. Again, I do this not because I appreciate or agree with my captors, but to deprive them of legitimate cause to “get me.”
13. I do not conform to U.S. Supreme Court precedents related to prisoner speech because I believe the Supreme Court “got it right,” or because I think those limits to be the appropriate limits of free speech. I do it because I am a writer, and writers write; and for me to continue writing, to continue speaking truth to power, to continue doing what I believe to be an important job that is a benefit to the social order, I cannot allow my captors, my adversaries, my enemies, the excuse to shut down my communications. So, it is in this light that my conformity to the First Amendment must be absolute at all times.
My Writing in Prison
14. In the 1990s, I wrote reports for Catholic Justice Fellowship which prompted the Ohio Catholic Conference to support parole reform legislation. I was Secretary of Catholic Justice Fellowship until it was forcibly disbanded by the ODRC [Ohio Department of Rehabilitation and Correction] for its effective lobbying and outreach. I was a member of the Advisory Board for Citi[z]ens United for the Rehabilitation of Errants, and my writings appeared regularly in their newsletter, “Against All Odds.” In 2002, I was personally honored by Rosa Parks, who nominated me for placement on the Wall of Tolerance for my peace work in prison.
15. While I was subject to irregular treatment, it was not until 2008 that prison officials directly targeted my writings and subjected me to disciplinary action explicitly for writing. In that instance, prison officials targeted my writings and attributed to me a passage that appears nowhere in my writings, alleging that this passage (that I did not write) equated with encouraging a work stoppage. The written work in question, FREEDOM, now appears online at seanswain.org.
16. Prison officials attempted to send me to supermaximum security for writing a passage that provably appears nowhere in my writings. I was subjected instead to irregular conditions in segregation for 70 days.
17. In 2009, when my writings went online at seanswain.org, I was irregularly placed on the prison “gang” list. Later, in 2012, prison officials subjected me to torture as punishment for my writing of an article that exposed the illegality of JPay policy. In their first story, prison officials admitted to targeting me for what amounts to protected speech until I retained counsel, at which time prison officials then un-admitted what they had already admitted. After torturing me, my captors sent me to Ohio’s super-maximum security prison, alleging no less than six times that I was “violent,” despite any reference to a single act of violence.
18. I contend that “torture” is violence.
19. After I went to the supermax, friends invited me to participate in The Final Straw radio show, where I provide a five-minute segment, weekly. Prison officials then blocked my phone communication and thereby blocked my participation in the radio show for 8 weeks. Afterward, prison officials attempted to justify this obstruction by claiming that I engaged in three (3) instances of misconduct, all of which provably never occurred, and none of which were in any way related to phone use, while my radio segments were.
20. Upon learning of a YouTube project that I planned, prison officials blocked my video visits. In a court hearing, prison officials alleged that I engaged in misconduct for which, in reality, I had never been so much as accused, and prison officials misrepresented the video visit feature in several determinative ways in order to get the court to affirm prison officials’ ban on my video visits.
21. Beginning May 5, 2015, all of my outgoing communication was blocked. I was later accused of rule violations which are not supported by the facts presented in the conduct report. I was found guilty of a non-existent “threat” as justification to block all of my communications indefinitely.
22. I have experienced a pattern of prison officials falsely accusing me of non-existent “violence” and non-existent “threats” in order to justify blocking my communications. The speech that prison officials target de facto conforms to all U.S. Supreme Court conditions for First Amendment protections. As a consequence of these abuses, prison officials, now with the approval of the federal courts, abuse their authority to make me cease to exist as a social being beyond prison walls. I am, in a social sense, being forced out of existence. This is a kind of social assassination. As I am a writer, and as writers write, being forced to silence is, in essence, being forced out of existence. A writer who no longer writes, who can no longer transmit writings to others, is a non-being.
23. I am a writer. I do not know how to be anything else. Despite my meticulous adherence to all U.S. Supreme Court precedents regarding protected speech, I am silenced anyway. That silence appears to be permanent.
24. As prison officials’ targeting of my writing is now partly justified by the targeting of my “ideology,” I believe it is important for me to also address what my ideology is, in some detail, so that I may disspell the mischaracterizations put forward by prison official defendants.
25. My “ideology,” or, more accurately, what prison officials perceive my “ideology” to be, has been the central crux of state agents’ efforts to target and silence my communication. As point of fact, I do not believe that I possess an “ideology”—at least, not in the way an ideology is most commonly understood.
26. At one time, I possessed an “ideology.” When, in the 1990s, when I was a self-identifying liberal democrat, or later, a socialist, I viewed the world through a specific prism of ideas, and I had the tendency of forcing the reality I viewed to conform to the ideas, rather than modifying my thinking to conform to the reality I faced. I then possessed an ideology, a prism of ideas that influenced how I understood the world.
27. I have since abandoned systems of “belief,” or ideologies. I now accept as fact that which I cannot disprove. I approach questions of social and political organization in the same way I would approach other things of importance. I accept that gravity is true, for instance; and I accept that the earth is round rather than flat. I accept the earth revolves around the sun. These are truths I cannot disprove and I must accept them, however it is I may feel about those truths. So, I reveal in the subsections that follow, the “proofs” that I must accept because I cannot disprove them, regarding social and political organization.
28. All modern political ideologies make reference to “freedom.” Most often, the “freedoms” that any given party present are merely a list of priorities to conflict with another party’s priorities of freedoms. In contrast, I find it important to define what freedom is. I borrow the definition presented by Ward Churchill, that freedom is “the absence of external regulation.” In the absence of external regulation, one is “free” to make one’s own choices; there exists no “external” regulator to impose upon the individual. It stands to reason then, that where “external regulation” exists, there is an absence of freedom, and to the degree that external regulation occurs, there is less freedom.
29. I value freedom, the absence of external regulation. I seek freedom. Any compromise of freedom, any acceptance of “external regulation,” results in a state that is not freedom, but a state of varying degrees of slavery.
30. Because freedom and external regulation are opposites, this can be expressed in a kind of graph. We can imagine an absolute point, “freedom, the absence of external regulation,” and also an opposing point, “absolute external regulation, absence of freedom.” These absolute points would then be connected by a line that represents the continuum between these two absolute states: 31. By this illustration, “freedom” and “external regulation” are opposites, opposing forces, and the interplay between these opposing forces is represented by the line connecting them. The more freedom and less external regulation, the closer one is to the absolute point of freedom; the less freedom and more external regulation one experiences, the closer one is to the absolute point on the opposite end of the spectrum.
32. This, to me, is not so much an “ideology” as it is a simple truism.
33. Having established this truism, the implications follow: That which “externally regulates” is an external regulator, a thing that regulates that is external to the individual being regulated. To regulate is to govern.
34. Most common, in human affairs, that which we understand as an external regulator we refer to as “government.” It matters not who does the governing or how that authority to govern is established. It can be a shepherd who kills a giant with a slingshot or a peasant who pulls a sword from a rock; the son of an oil magnate appointed by his father’s minions or a community activist promising change and hope. Whoever it is that runs it, and however it is that it operates, that thing that regulates us is called “government.”
35. Revisiting the graph, we can substitute words. Freedom is “the absence of government,” which is an external regulator; the opposite of freedom is “absolute government.” To be regulated is to be governed, and to be free is to experience the absence of external regulation or government. Now, in view of this, we see that freedom and government are opposites, opposing forces. Where government exists, less freedom exists; where freedom exists, there is an absence of government.
36. That political philosophy that advocates for absolute freedom, the absence of external regulation or government, is most-often referred to as “anarchism.” Only an anarchist, one who opposes the existence of government, occupies the absolute extreme, “freedom.” On the opposite end of the spectrum, those who advocate for a complete absence of freedom, the transcendence of government, are called “fascists.” That political construct where the State is central and all human freedoms are subsumed by the existence of the State is called “Fascism.” All other political philosophies, composed of some compromise between the two forces of freedom and government, occupy the continuum between these two extreme points.
37. I accept this to be true, not because of how I feel about this information, but because I am unable to disprove it. I accept the truth of what I have presented here for the same reason I accept gravity, the shape of the earth, and its trajectory around the sun. Freedom and government are opposites. As I seek freedom, as an absolute, for myself and others, I am opposed to the existence of an external regulator, government. I occupy the extreme point, “freedom.” Freedom, then, is my “ideology.” The word “anarchist” is used by the slaves who occupy every point of non-freedom on the spectrum to describe me. More »
The night of June 14th, East street, an Eiffage utility vehicle went up in smoke. Because they are building prisons.
Solidarity with comrades in Brussels who struggle against prison.
Build cages, harvest our rage!
Source: Nantes Indymedia
While an apparent calm prevails in the Chilean territories and a festive ambience fills the streets as a result of the football circus that alienates those who voluntarily succumb to stagnation, we decided to carry out a small destructive gesture so as to show are solidarity in action with our imprisoned comrades. We are not indifferent to the ghosting of Tamara Sol to the women’s prisons of San Joaquin, nor do we forget the conditions under which our comrades are jailed; Juan Flores, Nataly Casanova, Enrique Guzmán, Javier Pino, Natalia Collado, Mónica Caballero and Francisco Solar. We do not forget the long term subversive prisoners, nor do we forget the Mapuche political prisoners.
On Wednesday June 24th, at 00:30 in the night, we blew up the Bci bank branch located near the bus stop 22 of Gran Avenida, destroying the biggest part of the ATM stations. We also claim responsibility for the incendiary attack that burned the ATM stations of a BancoEstado branch at the junction of Matta Avenue and Chiloe, on June 13th.
May the flames and the uproar reach your cells!
Mauricio Morales, Sebastian Oversluij: present!
Prisoners of war to the streets!
Solidarity – Conspiracy – Attack
Autonomous Groups of Combat
To peoples, barrios, and communities
You propose scorched earth
Ten days from the beginning of Black June the territories have been wrapped in a maelstrom of struggles and battles, burning barricades opening the path to self-determination and building autonomy.
Recalcitrant and warlike since the first hours of Black June, we launched an incendiary attack against the seat of the Federal Ministry of Social Development – SEDESOL – at about 4:40 AM in Jalapa, Veracruz.
The attack was as quick as it was effective, and it was reported that:
“The disaster destroyed the better part of the furniture, papers, office equipment, electrical installations, and digital networks.”
In sum, the place more or less went to hell.
We left a slogan painted, “DOWN WITH CAPITALIST DEVELOPMENT (A) BLACK JUNE”
Now, why would we have destroyed SEDESOL with fire and rage?
Well, we have had stories waiting to be told for a while. First, they invented a sickness for us, one that they called “poverty”, and they convinced us that we suffered from it – only to sell, give, and force us to ingest the “cure”: The idea of development.
Development has meant nothing more than the continuous extermination of forms of life, species of flora and fauna, ways of living and organizing, thinking, loving, speaking, and celebrating.
How many languages, words, or forms have been strangled, asphyxiated by kilometers of concrete and cement? Or flattened with “mandatory, free, and public education”, or “aid” programs? If these are nothing more than cruel and vile forms of counterinsurgency, it is because “public policy” is the name which governments give to their most deadly weapons: Those with which they have and continue to scar the countryside, depopulate territories.. They have displaced, marginalized, and intoxicated.
They have waged this kind of war against us for decades, because they knew beforehand that territories and ecosystems are formidable, strong when life flows through them, and that their inhabitants and defenders resist precisely because they are part of strong ecosystems, and would never submit if they were confronted head on.
They know that to construct their deadly mega-projects (be they subdivisions, ports, highways, hydroelectric dams, wind turbines, mines, or nuclear plants) they need to weaken the territories, imprison their waters, divide the land, run the rivers through pipes, spill cyanide from the mines and toxic fracking liquid into the earth to pollute the aquifers, such that – trapped and without the ability to support life – we would submit to the tyranny of society and money.
Essentially they have spent decades carrying out military maneuvers on our environment, setting loose a kind of total war that we and others call social war. We see social war as all of these conflicts (macro and micro) that are released in order to submit communities, families and groups to the blueprints and dynamics of Society: To the practices and values that have been put in place to constrain us, mutilate us, and suppress us.
We do not understand social war as that which we wage against the system (in the forms of and as a substitute for what fascists of the hammer and sickle insist on calling class war), but as a great offensive employing all types of resources: From public policy, with its “models for national education” to TV series, the internet, etc, with their bombardment of dynamics and stereotypes. In order for these to be reproduced permanently, social war does not try to strike at its enemy or force it to surrender, but to completely erase it, to eliminate any way of thinking or being that does not contribute to the usufruct of capital, of the World Bank, the IMF, and patriarchal logics, however they may be dressed.
In sum, development – whether it is capitalist, socialist, fascist, or Lopez-Obrador-ist, is nothing more than:
War against the native
Because we know that their crusades against hunger are wars – crusades, at the end of the day –
Because we know that selling a watershed to French, Brazilian, or Mexican corporations is a savage war against the livelihood of everyone and everything.
And if they want war, they’ll have it.
And war is what they get. In this communique we also want to emphasize that, ten days in to this Black June, the smell of burned gunpowder, spilled gasoline, and the smoke rising from tires in burning barricades has marked diverse territories in what has been a historic month, where electoral boycotts in villages, neighborhoods, and communities were carried out in an atmosphere that resounded with incendiary attacks, sabotage, and detonations that did not wait, but filled the air with the sweet scent of insurrectionary breezes.
It is indubitable that something has begun, between the deployments and retreats, skirmishes, barricades or battles such as those in Huajuapan (perhaps the most intense we have seen in many years), Tixtla or Juchitán. On June 7, the Mexican State was confronted in many of our towns and territories; from the Chiapan highlands to the Purepecha plateau, passing through the valleys, plains, mountains, and beaches of Oaxaca to the rivers and brush of the Yaqui trenches were opened against the system of electoral democracy, dealing the blow that it should be dealt:
More and more savagely, landing punch after punch to its sides,
These have been heavy weeks, but we know that we can’t discern an end to this – nor do we pretend that someday we might see it. Autonomy is not given with civic associations, nor is it begged for in negotiating committees, nor is it protected with human rights commissions. It must be fought for savagely – At Daggers Drawn – against the existing system, its defenders, and its false critics.
We will say it endlessly: The organizations defending “human rights” are a crucial part of the enemy. Before industrialization, Modernity consecrated its triumph with the universal declaration of human rights; at the moment of writing and reaching agreement on what are and are not “universal rights”, they obliterated any possibility for constructing liberty and autonomy in their western nations with a few strokes of the pen.
All of this strengthens national institutions – that is, it is nothing more than asking the butcher to put down his crude, dull machete and take up a katana, with a brilliant edge that we ourselves have sharpened. But what’s more, to resort to these instances and methods reproduces logic, modes of being, roles, and dynamics that do not just permit, but make possible the capitalist world war. This war is unleashed against us, as well as everything else, living or not, and is the same thing that scorches children in daycare centers and runs slave camps in OaxaCalifornia.
We don’t want to be included in the national project, we don’t want a larger, stronger Mexico, a winning and transparent Mexico in which corruption has ended. Fuck all that!
Countries are an invention of the 19th century, a deal brought about by an aristocracy unwilling to cede power and a thriving bourgeoisie that hoped to break through the barriers of the ancient regime. Democracy: The frankenstein that they came up with together, faced with the conclusion that “everything must change, so that everything can stay the same.”
As such, Mexico is in turn a collection of systems, institutions, and discourses with which they wage social war.
All with their minutes counted, facing the development of Mexico, facing the development of capitalism, a development that takes place if and only if we reproduce the dynamics that the sons of their bastard fathers have put in place. These dynamics were established deliberately, so that – forced to choose between Chana or Juana – we construct our daily lives in their style. We forge our chains on a daily basis, such that you who read this shit are the chief jailer of your own prison, the prison which you have been weaving with your own life, and in the links that we make between our personal prisons, we together form prisons of flesh and bone – and also of concrete – where they have us submissive, trapped by our fears, tied by values that they have taught us since we were small, demanding more and more
Thus, we need to attack and injure, cause breakages, enlarge those that exist, interrupt the dynamics of daily life that we are submerged in – or that they hope to force us into – because much of their success consists in keeping us always racing this way and that, from this problem to that necessity, only opening spaces when they serve the logic imposed by the exercise of power.
It is because of what we have said above – and because it makes us very, very happy – that we came
We will not forgive. And no, we never forget.
A strong and very spirited hug to the compas in Cheran, Aquila, Ostula, Uripuchuaro and other Purepecha and Nahuatl villages in the regions of Michoacán, struggling for self-determination with dignity in their chests, arms at hand, and their traditions in mind.
To the Yaqui compas who proudly resist and persist.
To the comrades in San Quintín whose subversion has burst into the media, reminding us that you are there, working from sunrise to sunset bringing jitomates to the markets and strawberries to the donuts of the same pigs who strangle them. Many of us can’t see a strawberry without thinking of you, comrades. May the armored vehicles you bashed in with rocks serve as an example for many.
To the comrades of Eloxochitlan, Huautla, Guixhiró, and all the corners of ungovernable Oaxaca, Magón’s cradle and the godmother of insurrection, who have spent the last few days confronting the military, the feds, police, and other sons of bastard fathers who want to force us to govern and be governed.
To the Zapatista comrades of Bachajón and La Realidad, we wish we could stand shoulder to shoulder with you in this moment, but you already know that it’s a hard thing, and they are bringing war to us here as well.
To the other comrades in the jungles and mountains in Chiapas, greetings from one masked face to another, for your great determination and delicious tobacco, this is a demonstration of anarchist solidarity.
To our anarchist comrades, we remind you that the libertarian struggle can’t be done with red arms, to hell with their backstabbing, fuck the dialectic. We shit on their power and the forms they want to present it.
Solidarity with the prisoners of war Abraham Cortés, Fernando Bárcenas and Fernando Sotelo!!
To the black hordes of the gutters:
NOTHING HAS CHANGED! THE WAR CONTINUES!
Ten days into June
Unsigned but with much rage.
Some days ago, the combative prisoner Elias Karadouman – participant in the Network of Imprisoned Fighters (DAK) – was faced with the threat of deportation.
After 10 years of incarceration in the Greek galleys, Karadouman was able to sign his prison release papers on May 18th, 2015. However, he was kept in Corfu prison until June 15th. That day, just minutes before attaining his freedom, he was arrested by State Security officers and taken to the Corfu police department on the grounds that the authorities had ordered his immediate deportation to Turkey, his country of birth. Imprisoned at the police station for days, he refused to undergo deportation proceedings – given that he grew up and still lives in Greece – and instead, he presented legal documents and court decisions that deem any attempt to deport him unlawful.
Elias Karadouman was finally released on June 24th and remains in Greece, where he can meet up with comrades from whom he was separated by prison walls for ten whole years.
Until the demolition of the last prison left standing.
Bristol Defendant Solidarity have published some important advice for activists travelling to/from the UK on our blog.
We have recently supported a number of people stopped and questioned at airports under “Schedule 7”, many of whom did not know their rights. As such we would be grateful if you would share this with your members, and any contacts you have – especially international contacts – so that the information can become more widely known.
Police in the UK are allowed to question anyone entering/leaving the country about “terrorism” – without the right to silence. We have spoken to a number of anarchists who have been questioned under these powers, known as “Schedule 7”. Because of a lack of information on the law, most of those stopped have given more information than they had to. This includes people from outside of the UK who have not even heard of “Schedule 7” before. For this reason, we strongly recommend any activists travelling to/from the UK read our briefing beforehand.
If you have been questioned under “Schedule 7”, please contact the Network for Police Monitoring, so they can keep track of how the police are using this power. Email: info[at]netpol[dot]org
Using a simple weapon we decided to attack against the Banamex bank branch located at the junction of Sullivan Avenue and the inner-city motorway Circuito Interior, in the heart of the city. We stood right in front of their vigilance system: patrol cars that move around surveilling the avenue one after another, cameras observing us on every street, in every step… living-dead passersby who would trust the cops before any strange incident.
Sullivan Avenue is one of the traditional spots of street prostitution in Mexico City, not to forget of course that our target is located some blocks away from the premises of the Superior Court of Justice for cases of misdemeanors. All in all, this could make us believe that a meeting face to face with the enemy is impossible in a zone like this one, nevertheless with violent joy we experiment in the present the freedom that confronts the order of the status quo.
After the attack the police launched an operation that only managed to demonstrate their inefficacy and stupidity, since we escaped through the streets having the night as an accomplice.
Attacking a bank like Banamex, in the middle of Power’s financial centre was carried out to incite all those in affinity (affinity groups, anarchist individualities), to prove that vigilance in NOT an obstacle – and that the means of attack can be cheap. Acts of sabotage can become really simple and easily reproducible.
They can fill every corner with cameras for all we care; we will attack them from the shadows of the night. Sooner or later the displays of all their temples will be smashed. We don’t wait, we live in the present, and this act is neither the first nor the last in the struggle we have decided to wage against the imposition of Capital over our lives.
In the face of their surveillance measures, we project our networks of safety, complicity and care.
FREE OR DEAD
PS. The bank ended up burnt to a crisp, painting a black tone over the daily life of the city.
‘… as of now forever free’
Contra Info 2015
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